Farmer's invocation, in Pathologies of Power, of the methodology of liberation theology—"observe, judge, act"—as a way to organize an ethics of human rights in the face of structural violence, relates to a similar methodological rubric, "observation, feelings, needs", this from the practice of nonviolent communication.1 It is informative that the "observe" of liberation theology, as described by Farmer "implies analysis", given that, as Farmer states "[t]here has been no shortage of analysis from the self-appointed apostles of international health policy". By contrast, the "observation" of nonviolent communication is understood as operating as an alternative to a habitual tendency to analysis, judgment or diagnosis as a precursor to strategic action. This contrast thus, likewise, encompasses the "judge" of liberation theology (per Farmer, "nonetheless important even if it is, in a sense, pre-judged"). Nonviolent communication, responding to a structural violence embedded in the very tendency to "pre-judge" in the name of observation, offers an alternative to compounding violent communication through reproduction of the methods of "self-appointed apostles".
In nonviolent communication, observation as starting point endeavors to be descriptive, emptied as much as possible of explanation, so as to open a space of hypothesis. When we witness a specific event or behavior, we guess at the feelings that such event or behavior may elicit and/or express, and if possible, seek to verify, to test, our hypothesis. With confirmation or revision of such hypotheses, the next step is to guess as to the needs such feelings might speak to, seeking, again as much as possible, to verify this hypothesis in turn. Were nonviolent communication to be employed in the context of Farmer, we would employ this method with regards not only to the poor of Haiti and Zapatista protesters, but likewise to neoliberal policy makers, medical ethicists, Russian prison health officials and their NGO interlocutors, and yes even to Farmer, and for that matter, ourselves in our encounter with his text.
For the purposes of this response, I shall leap-frog a further elucidation of this methodology to focus on the concept of needs, through the lens of Farmer's argument regarding "social justice". George Lakoff, commenting on Rawls's famous social thought experiment, notes that the "result of justice is seen as fairness", but then problematizes this by identifying no less than ten models of fairness, each intuitively apparent when taken alone, and yet in tension if held simultaneously.2 Paul Rubin takes up Lakoff's types of fairness in his argument for countervailing drives organizing the affect and behavior of members of social groups, suggesting, for instance that five of Lakoff's models of fairness, namely "procedural distribution, rights-based fairness, scalar distribution, contractual distribution, and scalar distribution of responsibilities" in different ways fulfill a basic drive for "efficiency".3 Rubin's application of Lakoff's fairness kinds can be shown to describe attractors upon a topological phase space of fairness heuristics, which phase space, in turn, corresponds with various projections of political and cosmological types, among them, Mary Douglas's Cultural Theory of Risk4. Here, the attractors for "efficiency" would match up with Douglas's "Hierarchist" quadrant. What Lakoff's fairness models point to, as developed by Rubin, and from the perspective of nonviolent communication, are a cluster of unarticulated needs, needs that tend to elicit particular cosmologically-informed judgments and strategic responses, as described by Douglas.
Neoliberalism, as encountered by Farmer, here, would appear to straddle a space between Rubin's pure "efficiency" and a "flattened" variation thereof, corresponding to Douglas's "Individualists". Farmer, by contrast, would appear to be balancing a cluster of needs-based fairness and equality of distribution (two additional models of fairness, which Rubin identifies as associated with a drive for "insurance"), corresponding with Douglas's "Egalitarian" quadrants, with the same "flattening" drive (which Rubin explains as effecting greater freedom from hierarchical constraints), which Rubin associates with Lakoff's "equality of opportunity, equal distribution of responsibility, and equal distribution of power", insofar as Farmer is appealing to an ethics of individual, rather than purely state, action. This final quadrant, to which Farmer is not entirely committed (still framing his argument in terms of the "the more you need, the more you get" logic of Lakoff's needs-based fairness), is called by Douglas "Fatalist", but by more recent authors, "Communitarian".
[Subsequent reading has revealed that the "Communitarian" label, as used in Cultural Cognition of Risk Theory, despite appearing in models derived from Cultural Theory of Risk, and in fact is counter to the Fatalist quadrant. The confusion results from the transposition of the other three quadrant labels of the Cultural Theory of Risk model to polar positions on the dimensional model of Cultural Cognition of Risk Theory.]
Understood in this way, the tension between Farmer's proposed ethics, and that of neoliberals, in terms of the needs being spoken to in both fairness regimes, becomes more explicit. For as much as Farmer favors Rubin's "insurance" over the standards of "efficiency" (i.e., "cost-effectiveness") of the neoliberals, he would appear to share with them a similar cluster of needs around freedom (here, freedom from want). This, in the end, is the ultimate purpose of the methodology of nonviolent communication, to identify where the needs of parties otherwise bent on markedly divergent strategies, nonetheless converge.
notes
1 Rosenberg, M. Nonviolent communication: A language of life.
2 Lakoff, G. Moral politics: how liberals and conservatives think. pp. 20, 61-2.
3 Rubin, P. Darwinian politics: the evolutionary origin of freedom. p. 79.
4 Douglas, M., Wildavsky, A., Risk and culture: an essay on the selection of technical and environmental dangers.
